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  • titleCamerawork Magazine - Issue 23
  • typearticle
  • descriptionIssue 23: Reporting Back on Ireland
• descriptionIssue 23: Reporting Back on Ireland
• title_for_layoutCamerawork Magazine - Issue 23
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    • archiveFour Corners Bishopsgate
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    • authorSee sections X to AC
    • author_editorCass Breen, Maeve Forman, Larry Herman, Greg Kahn, Jeremy Nichol, Joanne O'Brien, Philip Wolmuth, Catherine Bradley, Greg Kahn, Cathy Myers, Shirley Read, Don Slater
    • author_writerMarie Mulholland, Tom Green, Peter Chalk, Roy Ashbury, Sue O'Halloran, Bill Rolston, Joanne O'Brien, Don Flynn, Michael Maguire, Maurice Coakley, Philip Rendle
    • author_photographerRoger Anderson, John Conlon, Balrbre Foreman, David Mansell, Jeremy Nicholl, Eamonn O'Dwyer, Peter Slepokura, Derek Speirs, Martin Stott,
    • author_designerLithoprint, Cormac
    • author_interviewee
    • author_organisationLondon Women's Armagh Coordinating Committee, Connolly Association, Poster Collective, Andersonstown News, Ardoyne Advice Centre, Wasper, Daily Star, Troops Out
    • tagsireland,special issue,women,republicanism,nationalism,loyalism,housing,war & conflict,war,conflict,evidence,propaganda,communication,irish,economy,solidarity movement,history,partition,civil rights,1968,imperialist,anti-imperialist,reform,repression,direct rule 1972,political status,irish parliament,british government,hunger strikes,campaign,manufacture,labour,industry,investment,capital,property,trade union,industrial decline,unemployment,crisis,housing control,northern irish housing executive,public sector,housing authorities,working class,distribution,catholic,protestant,segregation,women’s organisations,sinn fein,liberation,struggle,women and nationalism,women and republicanism,feminist struggles,nationalist movement,socialist women’s group,war & conflict women’s rights group,monopoly,television,tv,media,coverage,interview,bobby sands,funeral,report,ira,provos,youth against oppression,resistance,british,intelligence,operation,sis,manipulation,news,reporting,terrorism,prisoners,human rights,pow,prisoner of war,political parties
    • titleCamerawork Magazine - Issue 23
    • subtitleIssue 23: Reporting Back on Ireland
    • dimension19 pages
    • ocr1
    • copyrightFour Corners/Half Moon Photography Workshop/Camerawork, Marie Mulholland, Tom Green, Peter Chalk, Roy Ashbury, Sue O'Halloran, Bill Rolston, Joanne O'Brien, Don Flynn, Michael Maguire, Maurice Coakley, Philip Rendle, Roger Anderson, John Conlon, Balrbre Foreman, David Mansell, Jeremy Nicholl, Eamonn O'Dwyer, Peter Slepokura, Derek Speirs, Martin Stott, Lithoprint, Cormac, London Women's Armagh Coordinating Committee, Connolly Association, Poster Collective, Andersonstown News, Ardoyne Advice Centre, Wasper, Daily Star, Troops Out
    • credits
    • related
    • locationBethnal Green, London, UK, (pg 2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12,13,14,1516,17,18) Republic of Ireland. War & Conflict, UK. (pg 3) El Salvador. Bolton, UK. Blackpool, UK. (pg 19) Glasgow, Scotland, UK.
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    • origination_date1981
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    • pdf_textI * ^ 6 ki/vsT CAMERAWORK Anderson Street 1969 Anderson Street 1980 Co-operation among Catholics: small farmers bring food direct to the Short Strand during the Ulster Workers Council strike against power-sharing in 1974. Photo: John Conlon. Editorial Victim of loyalist attack. Photo: Andersonstown News This is Camerawork’s second special issue on Ireland. Britain’s imperialist war in Ireland still continues and remains the single most important issue facing British people today. Coinciding with a reluctance to prioritize Ireland, the British left has still produced little material on Ireland, particularly material that will reach a broad audience. Such work in the media is crucial: there is no other political con­ flict whose news coverage is so extensively managed and constructed to maintain a consen­ sus of the British people in support of govern­ ment policies and interests. It is ever more important to present images, reports and analysis which challenge the categories and content of the ‘news’ we normally receive about Ireland. Photographically, the present issue was based on a different scale and method of picture research from previous issues. We felt it important to use work not only by known profes­ sional photographers, but to devote time to con­ tacting non-professionals, as well as people who CAMERAWORK is a journal of the politics of photography. It is designed as a forum for analysis, critique, theory and information in order to provide the basis for using photography within socialist and feminist practices and to develop and encourage socialist strategies within the politics of representation. 121 Roman Road, Bethnal Green, London E2 OQN. New telephone number: 01-9806256. ISSN 0308 1672. Reporting Back on Ireland editorial group: Cass Breen, Maeve Forman, Larry Herman, Greg Kahn, Jeremy Nichol, Joanne O’Brien, Philip Wolmuth. Camerawork editorial group: Catherine Bradley, Greg Kahn, Cathy Myers, Shirley Read, Don Slater. All original articles and photographs are copyright and may not be reproduced without the written permission of the author/photographer and Camerawork. © 1981 Camerawork. Printed and typeset by Expression Printers Ltd, London N7. Trade distribution: Full Time Distribution, We would like to thank the many people who Unit K, Albion Yard, Balfe Street, London N l. have helped and given support in producing this issue. They include: An PhoblachtlRepublican Newsagent Distribution: Moore Harness Ltd, 50 Eagle Wharf Road, London N 1. News, Roger Anderson, Andersonstown News, Folded at PRA Day Centre, Hackney. Ardoyne Advice Centre, Art Research Front cover: Photographs by An Phoblachtl Exchange, Clodagh Boyd, James Brady, David Republican News, Ardoyne Advice Centre, Brazil, Danny Burke, Maurice Coakley, John Larry Herman, Clodagh Boyd/Report, D. Conlon, Cormac, John Eccles, Mary Enright, Mansell, Peter McGuinness, Michael Dave Fry, Joe Graham, Nina Hutchinson, McKernon, Joanne O’Brien, Eamonn Ireland Socialist Review, Rod, Jennie O ’Dwyer/Report, Derek Speirs/Report, Lazenby, Peter McGuinness, Michael Wasper, Harry Webb, Ann Zell. McKernon, Mary Nellis, Report Dublin, Cover artwork by Lithoprint. Eamonn O’Dwyer, Maire O’Hare, Ray Sands, Centre page poster by Poster Collective. The Other Cinema, Don Slater, Peter Back cover cartoon by Cormac. Slepokura, Derek Speirs, Wasper, Harry Webb, Paste-up by Mike Leedham, Bo Machnik. Maureen White, Ann Zell, Trisha Ziff. Wasper did not consider themselves photographers at all but rather who took pictures as part of dealing with living in the middle of a war. This was important, firstly, because we felt such photo­ graphs would be more likely to reflect people’s experiences of the war, carry more credibility, and to record things which professionals might not have access. Secondly, in a struggle taking place in an industrialised country, photographs are taken in very varied contexts: the photo­ graphs used for evidence, propaganda, commu­ nications or even in newspapers like An PhoblachtlRepublican News are not necessarily taken by professionals, but often by amateurs, friends, relatives or neighbours and by politi­ cally active people to whom photography is a useful tool. In fact, we did not have the time or resources to go as far as we wished with this. Nonetheless, because of our decision and because of the way in which photography is carried out in Ireland, this issue contains a diversity of kinds of image. The political debates on photography which are the focus of other Camerawork issues here remain implicit in the procedures we followed for gathering and selecting photographs for this issue. Contents A fter an army search. Photo: Ardoyne Advice Centre December 1981 Introduction: Reporting Back on Ireland 2 The Changing Face of the Irish Economy Don Flynn 4 Northern Ireland - An Economy in Collapse Peter Chalk 5 Housing Bill Rolston 7 Women and Republicanism Marie Mulholland 8 Women and Nationalism Women in Ireland group 9 Monopoly - a poster by the Poster Collective Reporting Bobby Sands’ Funeral 10 Roy Ashbury Reporting Resistance The Many Headed British Intelligence Operation in Ireland 12 13 Michael Maguire 14 The Sixty Year Long Emergency Philip Rendle Connolly Association 15 Irish Prisoners in English Gaols Sue O’Halloran Sinn Fein POW Dept 17 Political Parties Bill Rolston 18 Loyalism Joanne O’Brien Maurice Coakley Tom Green 19 CAMERAWORK Introduction The articles in this issue were written by people involved in the solidarity movement in this country and in Ireland. It is not a comprehensive analysis, but a contribution to the task of political education which has continued in Britain since the start of the present phase of the war. Histories of Ireland from an anti-imperialist point of view commonly stop at Partition and resume with the Civil Rights Movement in 1968. But in the intervening period, especially follow­ ing the Second World War, there were national and international developments which have become major determining forces in present day Ireland. After the end of the Second World War there was a major structural shift in the pattern of imperialist domination. The old colonial empires were dismembered, and a new imperalist hegemony led by the United States and based on the dollar emerged. The old colonial empires which restricted the mobility of labour and capital and thus hindered the growth of trade, were replaced by certain economic and military alliances such as the World Bank, the IM F, NATO, and the EEC, thus enabling the emerging multinationals to increase their scope for exploitation on a global scale. Britain, having lost its dominance, although a member of NATO and the EEC, was not in tune with this new phase of imperialism for some years, and still clung to its colonial heritage, in particular in its relationship with Ireland and the importation of a cheap reserve pool of labour from its colonies. together, and then Ireland as a whole bound to Britain in a “unique relationship” .’ (IRIS, April 1981). But the implications of political instability, economic decay and partition in Ireland go beyond Britain’s interest in a solution, to the United States and the EEC. The colonial relationship between Britain and Ireland is necessarily affected by the changes in imperialist domination described earlier. In the words of John Hume, Euro MP and leader of the SDLP: ‘The interest of the US and the European Community in Northern Ireland is historically inevitable and perfectly legitimate’. Several crucial and related aspects of the situa­ tion are of particular concern to the US: parti­ tion poses a barrier to the new requirements of international capitalism; the persistence of an anti-imperiaist war underscores American plans to channel aid through agencies such as the EEC, the World Bank and the United Nations Development Programme into social reform measures, in an attempt to appease and contain Nationalist aspirations; within a part of the UK, social democracy as a political system has failed, and this failure threatens the stability not only of Britain, but also of the European bloc; the con­ cern over Ireland’s official neutrality within the EEC reveals the strategic nature of US interests - that Ireland should not offer a base to any external threat to the security of Britain and her allies. Ireland, apart from France the only member of the EEC which is not a member of NATO, is seen as politically and strategically crucial to the stability of the western alliance. North and South Britain’s Search for Stability After the Partition of Ireland in 1922, the Irish Free State was a predominantly agricultural economy with almost no industry, totally depen­ dent on Britain as a market for its produce and for the import of manufactured goods, with large scale emigration of surplus labour to Britain. When Fine Gael came to power in 1932 the Free State attempted, through a policy of protec­ tionism, to encourage economic independence. This policy failed as a result of underdevelop­ ment and lack of the resources necessary to stimulate economic growth. Since the late 1950s the Free State has followed a different course by opening up the economy to foreign investment. Tax incentives, the promise of cheap labour and development sites and the setting up of the Industrial Development Authority (IDA) provided conditions favourable to foreign investment, and the state developed infrastruc­ ture to complement it. The world’s first Free Trade Zone was in operation in Shannon in 1958. Ireland joined the EEC with Britain in 1973. These changes within the South have drawn the economy more into the orbit of inter­ national capital, and the rapid export-based expansion has produced a growth rate twice the EEC average. The economic history of this period is described in the article The Changing Face o f the Irish Economy. By way of contrast, the Six Counties after partition contained almost all of Irish industry (textiles, heavy engineering and ship-building), entirely linked to British capital. Changes in the world market, and finally recession in the 1970s, contributed to the decline of these industries. With economic growth at a virtual standstill, and foreign investment much less extensive than in the South, the economy now depends on massive financial aid from Britain (see Northern Ireland - an Economy in Collapse). The Haughey-Thatcher summit Thus Partition laid the basis for the economic disarticulation of Ireland north and south. But as both Irish economies are increasingly drawn into the international flow of capital, capitalists north and south see their political and economic interests converging. This is reflected in the splits within the historically monolithic Unionist block (see the section on Political Parties and Loyalism) and in the December 1980 Haughey-Thatcher summit. The Haughey-Thatcher summit signifies a major shift in British policy. It has by-passed the Loyalists altogether, setting up a LondonDublin dialogue concerned with ‘institutional arrangements’ between Britain and the Free State. Possibilities now on the agenda are: ‘ firstly, the Six Counties having its own devolved admini­ stration whilst still tied to Britain, but also having an institutionalised “unique relationship” with the Free State; secondly, the Six Counties being set up as a condominium, which means having its own admini­ stration, but with joint overall control of state affairs being vested both in Britain and the Free State; thirdly, a confederal arrangement whereby the six county and twenty six county states are linked In attempting to achieve the stability in Northern Ireland necessary to the Western Alliance, Britain’s strategy has been one of reform backed up by repression. Consensus is essential to the functioning of a social democratic state. It cannot accommodate dissent on any large scale. Dissent must be bought off (by reform) or disposed of (by repres­ sion). Large scale dissent requires systematic repression, and the liberal facade is destroyed. In Northern Ireland one third of the popula­ tion dissents, and it dissents because the Northern Ireland state is by its very nature irreformable: it was constituted as a sectarian state, and whilst the Six Counties remain separated from the rest of Ireland it will con­ tinue as such. Thus Britain’s policy has become one of attempting to reform the irreformable, and dealing with its inevitable failue with massive repression. Failure of reforms Since Direct Rule in 1972, rather than looking for an ‘internal compromise’, as it claims to be doing, Britain has consistently worked at reforming the Northern state by taking overtly repressive control out of Unionist hands. In the main, these reforms have failed: the dis­ banded ‘B Specials’ have been replaced by the equally sectarian UDR; the RUC remains as sectarian as it ever was. Many of the attempts to alleviate the appalling housing situation in the Catholic areas have been thwarted by Unionist pressure: the Poleglass estate is perhaps the best known example, but by no means the only one (see Housing). Even the pretence of consensus represented by the power-sharing executive of 1974 was too much for the unionists, and was brought down by the Ulster Workers’ Council strike. The failure to produce any real improvements in the areas that matter - housing, employment and civil rights - has not prevented the British Government from trying short-term solutions. Money has been flowing into such projects as sports centres and swimming baths in the name of ‘community development’, but these can achieve nothing whilst the fundamental problems are left unresolved. Repression The most physically obvious aspect of repression is the heavy military presence in the form both of the British Army and, as a consequence of the ‘Ulsterisation’ policy introduced by Roy Mason, the military-style RUC. For the Nationalist population this means round-the-clock armed foot patrols, regular convoys of armoured cars and army Land Rovers through shopping centres and housing estates, road blocks, perma­ nent barriers erected between one street and the next, the daily round of verbal abuse and physical intimidation, violent raids on houses, social clubs and political meetings, and the murderous use of plastic bullets to break up protest rallies and marches. Much less obvious, but no less significant, is a massive system of covert surveillance and intelligence operations, described by Michael Maguire in his article The many-headed British intelligence operation in Ireland. The highly sophisticated intelligence network draws its information from a range of undercover operations and also from house-to-house searches, random person and vehicle checks, extraction of information by physical intimida­ tion, telephone tapping and the interception of mail. All these actions are legitimised by the various pieces of ‘emergency’ legislation described by Philip Rendle in his article The sixty year long emergency. Central to the repressive system developed by the British Government in Northern Ireland is the Diplock Court ‘conveyor belt’ system. The institutionalised abuses which are the basis for this system have been documented by Peter Taylor in his book Beating the Terrorists in which he also demonstrates that the British Govern­ ment is fully aware of these abuses, and in fact condones them. The path to the H-Blocks of Long Kesh and Armagh Women’s Gaol begins with maltreatment and intimidation at Castlereagh and other RUC barracks and passes with its ‘confessions’ and uncorroborated police statements through the no-jury Diplock Courts to Northern Ireland’s specially designed prisons for ‘terrorists’. What is so sinister about this is that it parades itself as a system of law and justice. The need for this pretence arises precisely because blatant repression is incompatible with the consensus which is an essential feature of the social demo­ cratic state. It is for this reason that repression must be dressed up: political prisoners must be treated as criminals; dissent becomes ‘crime’; war becomes ‘civil disturbance’. This process is vividly presented by Joe O’Connell as quoted in Irish Prisoners in English Gaols. The struggle for political status Thus the struggle for political status symbolises the whole imperialist/anti-imperialist struggle. The fight for political status is a fight against the fraudulent notion o f‘consensus’ in the context of the Northern Ireland state. It threatens Britain’s whole strategy. Over the past five years the campaign for political status has become a central focus of Republican activity, culminating in the H-Block hunger strikes which began in December 1980 and which have just ended (at the time of writing, October 1981) with the loss of ten lives and at present an uncertain outcome. The impossibility of establishing consensus in Northern Ireland has been forcefully demon­ strated by the massive show of support for the hunger strike campaign both on the streets and through the ballot box. The election of Bobby Sands and Owen Carron to the British Parlia­ ment, and of Paddy Agnew and Kieran Doherty to the Irish Parliament, dealt a devastating blow to the international credibility of British policy. The hunger strike campaign has succeeded in bringing the Northern Ireland situation to inter­ national attention, though one could be for­ given for not guessing it from the British media (see Reporting Bobby Sands’ Funeral). Even the Guardian was forced to admit: “If the H-Block campaign has been a failure on the mainland of Britain, there is no doubt that it has been a famous success overseas” (13th August 1981). This success has manifested itself in demon­ strations and actions in Greece, Italy, France, Switzerland, Germany, America and many other countries. The Portuguese parliament passed a unanimous motion of support for the hunger strikers’ demands; the Indian parliament stood in silence when Bobby Sands died; the Iranian government named the street passing the British consultate after Bobby Sands. The tremendous international pressure which this has generated has as yet failed to force any significant move on the part of the British Government, but it must only be a matter of time before the pressure becomes irresistible. The manifestly dishonest treatment by the British Government of the Irish Commission for Peace and Justice, and then of the International Red Cross, as part of a pretence at seeking a settle­ ment of the hunger strike campaign, was un­ doubtedly a first sop to this pressure. Recent noises from the new Secretary for Northern Ireland, James Prior, suggest that the British Government is keen to satisfy its partners in the western alliance and come to a settlement acceptable to its imperialist friends. This will necessitate the overcoming of two of its major obstacles: on the one hand the deeply entrenched attitudes of the loyalists deliberately fostered by the British in the past to bolster their exploitation of Northern Ireland, but now a force with its own dynamic; and on the other hand, that part of the Republican movement for which a united Ireland is only the first step to a socialist republic. Whether the British Govern­ ment can overcome these obstacles and stay within the bounds of political acceptability remains to be seen. The scheduled second London-Dublin summit is the next step in their attempt. FOR FURTHER INFORMATION Information on Ireland, Box 189, 32 Ivor Place, London NW1 60A. Have produced some excellent pamphlets including, The British Media and Ireland (75p plus 20p p&p); IrelandVoices for Withdrawal (90p plus 20p p&p). They will also provide information on available films, slide shows, videos and exhibitions, as well as a detailed booklist. Regular publications include: An Phoblacht/Republican News, weekly from 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1, or 51-53 Falls Road, Belfast, annual subscription rate £16.50. The official paper of the republican movement, this is essential reading for information you will never get in the British papers. Belfast Bulletin, usually quarterly, from Workers’ Research Unit, c/o Just Books, 7 Winetavern Street, Belfast BP1 7JQ. (£3 for four issues, including p&p, £6 for institutions). In depth analysis of areas of political interest (trade unions, churches, repression, local government, etc). Organisations active around Ireland include: Troops Out Movement - branches nationally and locally, active in campaigning for immediate British withdrawal and producing propaganda. Monthly paper. For more information contact: PO Box 353, London NW5 4MH. Tel: 01-267 2004. Armagh Womens’ Coordinating Committee (London), c/o 374 Grays Inn Road, London WC1. Coordinates political activities around Ireland, within the women’s movement and generally. Working in support of prisoners’ demands. Educationalists, discussions, will speak at meetings. w 3 REPORTING BACK ON IRELAND NEW CAMERAWORK EXHIBITIONS FOR HIRE EL SALVADOR: REPRESSSION AND REVOLUTION El Salvador, a predominantly agricultural country in Central America no larger than Wales, is the scene of the most horrific political repression since the Pol Pot regime’s genocide in Cambodia. Every morning some 40 bodies are found littering the streets of San Salvador, victims of the nightly raids by security forces who are murdering all political opponents of the ruling junta. In the last two years 30,000 have been killed and mutilated. The United States’ support for the military junta in El Salvador heralds another Vietnam, this time in its own ‘backyard’. El Salvador: Repression and Revolution is a photographic exhibition portraying the country and its people, life under the junta and the struggle for liberation. The exhibition has been researched by Camerawork and the El Salvador Solidarity Campaign, and brings together the work of eighteen photographers, containing colour, black and white and photomontaged images together with personal accounts by Salvadoreans. EYEOPENERS an exhibition by Andrew Bethell Visual images carry so much power in our society because most people look at them but do not see what they mean. Looking is easy, seeing is not. Eyeopeners is an exhibition of photographs taken to help young people see and under­ stand the images which surround them. By seeing how visual representation is constructed and by participating in some of the choices that determine meaning, those who work through the exhibition will be better equipped to analyse and take on the images of the mass media. There are constant invitations to participate and challenge the choices that have been made. Eyeopeners will appeal to young people from primary school through to colleges of further education. D. Mansell MASS-OBSERVATION: THE WORKTOWN PROJECT an exhibition of photographs of Bolton and Blackpool 1937-38 by Humphrey Spender From 1937 to 1938 Bolton and Blackpool were the focus for an intensive study by MassObservers. Humphrey Spender documented ordinary life in photographs, while volun­ teers and observers wrote down reports, descriptions, conversations and interviews. The photographs are accompanied by extracts from an interview with Humphrey Spender and by Mass-Observation reports. For details of hiring, availability, and other Camerawork touring exhibitions, telephone 01-980 6256 (note new telephone number). CAMERAWORK DARKROOMS The Camerawork Darkrooms in Bethnal Green are now open. Membership enutles you to access to facilities and courses: darkroom hire, copying facilities, dry mounting, laminating, process camera. JOIN NOW! A year’s subscription costs £12.00 waged, £8.00 unwaged, and £6.00 pensioners and under 16s. Membership rates for groups are negotiable. Contact Camerawork Darkrooms, 121 Roman Road, Bethnal Green, London E2 0QN. Telephone 01-980 6256. Camerawork Irish Army patrolling the border. Photo: Derek Speirs/Report Riots on Merrion Road, Dublin, after Gardai prevent H-Block march from passing the British Embassy. Photo: Eamonn O’Dwyer/Report Open Meeting The Half Moon Photography Workshop, con­ sisting of the magazine Camerawork, the gallery, exhibition production and hire, and the darkrooms, has changed its name: it is now all known as Camerawork. The next Camerawork Open Meeting is on Thursday 21 January 1982 at 7.30pm. The open meetings are designed to introduce people to how Camerawork works, what is happening and future projects. All Camerawork readers are welcome. SUBSCRIBE An annual subscription includes six issues published bimonthly and posters from all Camerawork exhibitions. Prices include VAT. Abroad, please send a sterling draft payable on a London bank. UK ABROAD Surface mail Standard rate £6.76 Air Mail Standard rate £8.00 Institutional rate £12.26 Standard rate £11.00 Institutional rate £15.00 Student rate £5.26 Institutional rate £18.00 Student rate £7.00 CAMERAWORK Back issues still available - articles include: 5: On Photographic Printing, the Side Gallery, Bill Gaskins, Barry Lane. 8: Analysis of press coverage of National Front march, Lewisham August 1977. 10: John Berger - Ways of Remembering. On Photomontage. DIY exhibitions. 11: Special issue on Mass Observation, a docu­ mentary project started in the thirties. 12: Special issue on Portraiture. 13: Special issue: survey of Photography in the Community. The Bengali community under attack. 15: Documenting Clydeside. On Advertising. Through the Lens Fantasy. 16: Manchester Studies - a people’s history in photographs. Critique of Camerawork 8. 17: Analysing the Fashion Spread (Deborah Turbeville, Helmut Newton). Who Killed Blair Peach? The Matchgirls’ Strike of 1888. Nuclear Wastes. 75p each (+25p p&p) 18: Porn, Law, Politics. Still Images on TV. Reporting Squatting: the News of the World. Images of the Steel Strike. 19: The State of the Nation - photomontage by Kennard, text by E. P. Thompson. Edith Tudor-Hart - pictures from the thirties. 20: Photomontage from Heartfield to Staeck, Immigrant Women, the politics of Community Photography. 21: Representing the Disabled. Gaining Momentum: Women photograph Women. Loraine Leeson and Peter Dunn: Political Photography. Photography and the Law. 22: Women and Documentary Photography in Northern Ireland. Reporting the New Cross March. Resisting Narita Airport. A Women’s Photographic Archive in Denmark. Policing Photography. El Salvador. Teaching about Power and Photo­ graphy. 4 CAMERAWORK Historically, the development of modern industries in Ireland has always been retarded by the country’s proximity to a more developed British capitalism. In the 18th and 19th centuries, the industries of Southern Ireland collapsed in the face of cheap British manufac­ turers; an alien landowning class changed landuse patterns from labour-intensive cattle rear­ ing: Ireland was reduced to being a supplier of cheap food and cheap labour to Britain and was denied independent political power. The only part of the country to participate in the 19th century industrial revolution was the north east area immediately around the city of Belfast. Even here, economic growth never reached the levels attained within the regions of Great Britain. Already, by the beginning of the 20th century, the major industries of the six counties of the north east were in decline. In 1921 exactly half of northern Ireland’s employ­ ment was in agriculture, textiles and clothing, the most backward areas of economic growth. In the thirties, the Southern bourgeoisie embarked on a policy of using protectionist methods in an effort to stimulate growth in the twenty-six counties economy. State enterprises were established in manufacturing, services, power production and transport. However, little was done to stimulate growth in agricultural out­ put and manufactured exports. Hence un­ employment and migration remained high, and the population continued to fall; a phenomenon unique in the Western world. In the late fifties the southern government abandoned past nationalist protectionist measures and sought to take advantage of the liberalisation of trade and capital movements occurring in the developed world. The twentysix counties entered the competition to attract foreign capital, and transnational firms were given inducements to set up branches in Ireland. Mainly foreign-owned new industry accounted for around two-thirds of the increase in manu­ facturing exports and investment in the 1970s. Investment rates increased from an average of 15% of GNP per annum in the 1950s to 20% in the 1960s, 24% in the early 1970s, and 30% in the late 1970s. This was supplemented by heavy government spending. The national growth rate more than doubled. In 1977 and 1978 it was the highest in the OECD area. In 1973 the southern State joined the EEC together with Britain and Denmark. Member­ ship of this bloc has further aided the transfor­ mation of the Irish economy under the impact of multi-national capital. In agriculture, whilst not producing any dramatic expansion of farm output, the EEC brought prosperity from higher prices gained through the CAP and access to the continental markets. Rising costs brought about by EEC member­ ship (through higher food prices and the expense of ‘harmonisation’ measures) have tended to hit the older, labour intensive industries such as clothing, furniture and footwear trades the hardest. The proportion of domestic consump­ tion met by imported foreign goods has increased from one fifth in the early 1960s to one third today. Between 1973 and 1977 over one quarter of Irish manufacturing jobs were destroyed; to be replaced by more capitalintensive, higher productivity jobs in the sub­ sidised export-oriented sector. Overall manu­ facturing employment remained static, whilst there was a continuing loss of jobs from agriculture. Despite the much faster influx of foreign investment, its capital-intensive nature, coupled with the virtual collapse of the traditional indus­ tries and the decline of agricultural employ­ ment, have meant that total employment has declined since the beginning of the post-war industrialisation drive. A summary of the situa­ tion is provided in these figures: 1961 1966 1971 1975 1977 In work 1,052,000 1,066,000 1,055,000 1,020,000 Not available "nurse M S iP e sr . s«r November 1979: British soldiers move in to take over the Whiterock industrial estate which employed many Catholics from Turf Lodge and Dermot Hill, who are now watched over by the new fo rt The firm’s premises were requisitioned under the Emergency Provisions Act. (An Phoblacht/Republican News 10. 11. 79). Photograph: Andersonstown News. The Changing Face of the Irish Economy competition to draw in foreign firms mean offer­ ing inducements which, in financial terms, fre­ quently amount to the equivalent of the sum being invested in the economy. A study by the US multinational ITT reveals the following figures for typical state subsidies to a medium capital intensive plant with assets of £2.5m and a projected employment of 125 people: Italy (South): £2.0m or £16,300 per worker Eire: £2. lm or £16,400 per worker N . Ireland: £2.6m or £19,000 per worker. The amount of subsidy to attract investment on a scale sufficient to reduce unemployment would have to be enormous. In addition to the scale of state subsidy, the problem of control over the policies of multi­ nationals with respect to the siting of plant and long-term involvement in the economy is a major issue. In recent years the Southern government and its Industrial Development Agency have encountered difficulties with foreign-based companies which have established expensively- subsidised factories which have been abandoned by the company after a brief period owing to changes in company policies. The weakness of the two states in Ireland in confronting the power of multinational capital is a major issue for the Irish working class and its allies. The struggle for full employment and an industrial development which reflects the needs of the majority of Irish people necessarily raises the issue of national unity in the struggle to limit the power of multinational capital. Don Flynn This article is extracted from two articles: ‘Ireland’ by Anthony Coughlin, and ‘Northern Ireland: Beyond British nationhood, beyond British reform’ by Chris Davis in Ireland Socialist Review no 2 (Summer 1978). Any errors in the article are the responsibility of the present author. Another closed workplace in West Belfast Photo: Larry Herman Out of work 55,600 52,200 62,400 104,000 111,000 The policy of dependancy on foreign capital to stimulate economic growth has undoubtedly brought short-term advantages to the Irish people measured in terms of higher living standards. But the long term prospect is bleaker. Multinationals In the first place, the prosperity of the agri­ cultural sector has been due to the high prices obtained through the unreformed structure of the CAP, rather than an increase in the produc­ tivity of Irish farms. The likelihood is that changes in the CAP in the medium-term future will diminish this advantage for agriculture and drive down farm prices. Secondly, whilst the attraction of foreign capital into the economy remains the central plank of government strategy, there is little prospect of full employment being attained. The Skilled workers at Harland and Wolff, Belfast; once the largest shipbuilders in Europe, now kept going by a succession of government subsidies, allegedly given to the traditional Loyalist employer for political reasons. However, in twenty years the workforce has dwindled from 23,000 to 4,000. Photograph: Larry Herman. REPORTING BACK ON IRELAND t) Workers during the liquidation of the firm O'Connor and Bailey Ltd., Dublin. It was decided to black all O'Connor and Bailey sites until redundancy money was paid. “High borrowing to finance expansion has finally stopped as the new Fine Gael Government adopts monetarist policies which will push up unemployment in the South”. Photograph: Derek Speirs Northern Ireland - An economy in collapse In the House of Commons on 7 August 1980, two Unionist MPs expressed the opinion that the whole of Northern Ireland should be classified as a depressed area in need of massive govern­ ment financial assistance. On the same occasion it was disclosed that the unemployment rate for the six counties was twice that in Britain; that proportionately there were 50% more supple­ mentary benefit claimants, and that there were 500% more family income supplementary claimants. The Northern Ireland Housing Executive has stated that Belfast has the worst housing condi­ tions in Western Europe. The SDLP, in a paper submitted to the talks held by Secretary of State Atkins in 1980, spoke of ‘an overpowering picture of an economy in collapse . . . 45% of manufacturing industry at present depends on Government aid for survival.’ Industrial decline The decline of industries traditionally depen­ dent on the British economy (engineering, ship­ building etc) has been well documented else­ where. The rate of decline continued during the seventies to the extent that 27% of manufactur­ ing jobs disappeared during that decade. This year alone will see 4,000 jobs lost in the artificial fibres industry as recession bites and bigger profits are sought elsewhere. The response of government to this decline has been twofold. On the one hand, the Northern Ireland Development Authority was established to attract multinationals with inducements of tax relief, grant aid, etc. Despite some well-publicised examples of new industry, between 1972 and 1976 only 900 new jobs were created in this way and there is no sign of the North attracting anything like the same number of firms as have invested in the South. The second response has been in the area of services. Between 1970 and 1980 employment in services increased from 41% to 54% of total employment and is now twice as large as the manufacturing sector. The corollary of this is the disproportionate effect recent announcements of government cuts will have on the economy of Northern Ireland. Latest estimates of un­ employment increases directly due to the current round of cuts predict a further loss of 12,000 jobs by 1983. Dual economy What is disguised by the figures given so far is the way in which economic factors affect the two communities. Catholic and Protestant, in different ways. Unemployment, for example, has always been approximately two and a half times greater for Catholics, a fact confirmed in 1976 by the first report of the newly established Fair Employment Agency. In September 1980, after four years of activity, the FEA could only report that there has been ‘no change’ in employ­ ment practices and that ‘major positive action’ was required. The major Government report on the economy of Northern Ireland, the Quigley Report of 1976, summed up the depressing state of the economy and argued that, without urgent action, ‘The characteristics o f a dual economy which N I already displays - some areas containing the more dynamic sectors o f industry, other areas largely lacking a modem industrial base - w ill persist. The possibility o f removing inequalities o f employment and income between the two halves o f the economy w ill become entirely academic.’ Quigley’s solution - large amounts of financial aid - which has also become the solution adopted by the labour and trade union movement, has largely failed. No noticeable effect was achieved by the aid packages spon­ sored by the last Labour Government and by default, governments have chosen merely to prop up the ailing industries like Harland and Woolf or spend vast sums on what amount to little more than publicity stunts like the De Lorean car factory. Trade Union response After the failure of the Better Life For All campaign to generate an alternative economic strategy - it was, after all, set up in response to Republican resistance activities - the trade unions have sponsored numerous demonstra­ tions against the Thatcher government, the biggest in April and May 1980. In addition, groups of workers, especially in the public sector, have been militant in support of pay claims. However, the unions are hamstrung by the lack of any coherent alternative to relying on the British labour movement forcing a radical change in government policy. Even if this were likely to come about, in what way would the special characteristics of the crisis in the six counties be approached? During the period of the last Labour government, the Northern Ireland Committee of TUs merely contented itself with encouraging the government to try harder: ‘W e have been much impressed by the vigour with which Government has applied itself to the task o f attracting industrial investment and by the hearten­ ing indications o f some revival o f investor confidence in Northern Ireland . . . how ever. . .the prospect o f improvement must lie some distance in the future.’ (NIC members writing in the Economic Council report of 1977-78). To find the answer as to why the TU leader­ ship has not even acknowledged, let alone pro­ posed any solution for, the fact that even this pathetic level of investment has largely been in the areas least affected by high unemployment, etc, we need to look at the nature of TUs in Northern Ireland. While their membership remains largely Unionist in political attitude they will not countenance any other strategy than that adopted by the British TU movement. This effectively prevents the emergence of a pro­ gramme that can include the role of links with the South, a transfer of resources to those areas of the North most in need (ie, West Belfast, the South and West) and a challenge to the Unionist establishment with whom it often allies itself in putting demands upon the British state. Where lies the solution? The real constraints that the Northern Ireland economy faces are political ones - the failure to develop areas contiguous with Southern Ireland and to develop greater cooperation with it; and the constraint that macroeconomic policies have to be identical to those followed in Britain. An independent Northern Ireland is not the answer. The problems of such an economy would be insurmountable. The only way that the problems of a dual economy can be overcome, the only way of providing the basis for an allIreland response to the ravages of crisis and the power of multinationals would be to establish all-Ireland institutions which could harmonise monetary, fiscal and industrial policies for the benefit of the whole of the Irish people. Peter Chalk Further Reading Woman testing and assembling microchips at Analogue Devices Ltd., Limerick, where the chips are manufactured. Photograph: Derek Speirs/Report “NI: an economy in crisis” , B. Rowthorne; Cambridge Journal of Economists May 1981. “NI, Economic Trends”, C. Davies; Ireland Socialist Review 5. “Multinationals & Ireland” , M. Smith; ISR 6. “Geography of Sectarianism” , M. Smith; ISR 8. 6 CAMERAWORK Wang Laboratories, Limerick: an Industrial Development Authority sponsored factory opened in 1980 for the assembly of word processors. Photo: Derek Speirs/ReporL Small scale fishing off the Irish coast; another area of the economy beginning to suffer the effects of EEC membership. Photo: An Phoblacht/Republican News. Economy North and South NORTHERN IRELAND UNDER THATCHER The major source of new jobs over the past decade has been in public services, where expenditure increased by 14.3% in 1974-80. Tory cuts in the period 1980-83 amount to 3.7%, and this in a period of rising unemployment. Housing expenditure is being slashed by 19%, education by 7%, while spend­ ing on social security and the security forces will continue to increase. Overall, the latest round of cuts means 12,000 fewer jobs in the six counties. NORTH AND SOUTH - A COMPARISON The changes in economic performance in the North and South since partition provide some indication of the possibilities open to a convergence of the two states free from British domination. For example, in 1920 the 26 counties had a third of all Ireland’s indus­ trial employment, whereas today it has 50% more than the North. Over the past twenty years the figures are even more staggering. Manufacturing employment increased by 45% in the Republic, but fe ll by 5% in the six counties. Industrial production increased by 200% in the South, but by less than 60% in the North. Cattle auction in Cork. Photo: Philip Wolmuth Small bakery still going in Crossmaglen —a village that virtually ignores the fact that it is in the North and trades largely with neighbouring towns in the South. Photo: Larry Herman The modem face of a traditional industry: Janelle clothing factory, Finglas, North Dublin. Photo: Derek Speirs/ReporL Of 6uA fS«**T«ar -ft 4 U £ ^ theI V A Must ffrym uttes I f a r THSi C l o s e d ■fHElR Exploratory rigs drilling for uranium in Donegal. The Republic’s abandonment of neutrality and entry into NATO would entail the stationing of nuclear weapons in the South. The North is, as ever, an integral part of Britain and NATO’s air defence plans; RAF Bishopscourt near Ardglass in County Down is a base for fixed and mobile radar installations, and airfields, storage facilities for nuclear weapons, radio networks and emergency administration systems all exist for use in the North in times of nuclear tension. The Ministry of Defence is clearly working under guarantees that Northern Ireland will remain in the UK until at least the end of the century. Photo: Martin Stott. ! To CM Plight Militant women workers fighting the closure of the Confexim factory in Drogheda picket the Industrial Development Authority offices in Dublin, during a sit-in occupation at their factory. Photo: Derek Speirs/ReporL Since the start of the ‘troubles’, sectarian threats and violence, or fear of them, have caused over 60,000 mainly working class people to flee from mixed areas to comparatively safe ghettoes, leaving thousands of homes bricked up and decaying. Photo: David Mansell. The centralisation o f housing control into the Northern Ireland Housing Executive in 1972 did nothing to remedy loyalist discrimination in housing which had operated for fifty years under the unionist local councils. Bill Rolston’s article shows the effect o f the failure o f public sector housing authorities combined with unionist influence over the N I H E . Housing P M IIE S T W S W N PEA AT CE NT O POLECLASS The twin effects of class and sectarian inequality are apparent in the conditions and allocations of housing in the Six Counties. To take class first: the combination of a Unionist government whose inter-war social policies were reminiscent of 19th century laissez faire capitalism and a centralised Northern Ireland Housing Executive (NIHE) which since 1972 has not once reached its projected annual house-building target (and is unlikely to do so now that the cuts are in full swing) has meant that for many working class people, relying on the public sector, there are not enough houses, and not enough fit houses. There are 32,000 people on Belfast’s waiting list alone, with few new houses being built; in fact, the overall effect of redevelopment is a net decrease in the housing stock. For those lucky to have a public sector house conditions are often deplorable. The N IH E’s own surveys show that in 1974 19.6% of Northern Ireland’s housing stock was unfit for human habitation, compared with 7.3% in Britain. (The figure is an average, and thus masks the amazing statistic for West Belfast of 49%!) Admittedly, redevelopment has led to a slight improvement since; admittedly, also, the cuts have been less severe than in Britain: the housing budget in the UK was cut by 28% between 1975 and 1980, and will be cut a further 44% between 1980 and 1983, Northern Ireland’s housing budget increased 28% in the first period, and will decrease 14% in the second period. But, given that housing in the Six Counties had further to go to catch up, these relative figures are deceptive. More people in the Six Counties are dependent on stateprovided housing (35%, compared with 29% in Britain) and therefore the effect of the cuts is that bit more widespread. (The effect of the cuts on the construction industry must also be noted. The industry is 80% dependent on government programmes; the cuts therefore partially explain the fact that almost 25,000 construction workers are unemployed.) In short, for many working class people the experience of public sector Divis Flats, Belfast. The Divis Demolition Committee campaigned to get their estates demolished and replaced with decent housing. They seized control to the extent that it was no longer possible for the Housing Executive to place new tenants in any flats on the estate. When a flat became vacant, the committee would board it up, or if it was not too bad, move in a family from a worse flat, and board that one up instead. The numerous problems facing tenants include serious damp and a population of rats which outnumbers the people. Photo: Jeremy NicholL For Catholics, the main safe ghetto is West Belfast, which is now chronically overcrowded. The latest attempt by the NIHE to alleviate this was so severely attacked by leading loyalists that the scheme, the Poleglass estate, was halved, and there was pressure to abandon it entirely. Photo: Andersonstown News. housing is that of long waiting lists, higher rents (a rent increase of 35% on average is in the offing, supposedly justified by the insidious notion of people having to pay an ‘economic rent’) and poor maintenance (so called essential repairs cannot be carried out in any less than six weeks after notifying the NIHE.) But the bad housing is not randomly distri­ buted among the working class in the Six Counties. For example, 12.4% of houses in Belfast are officially defined as overcrowded, but the figure for Catholic West Belfast is 23%. A major factor in West Belfast’s position has been the actual intimidation and the real fear of intimidation among Catholics, which have led them to escape to the relative safety of areas already strongly Catholic. It is estimated that as many as 60,000 people, mostly Catholic, were forced to evacuate between 1969 and 1973. Through the years since, that flight has con­ tinued, although on a less drastic scale, leading not only to overcrowding in Catholic areas, but also squatting. But the problems of the Catholic working class as regards housing are not all ‘troubles’-related. The higher unemployment in Catholic areas, as well as general conditions of low pay in the Six Counties, lead to debt. Debt to all public bodies has grown in the past genera­ tion; in housing specifically, by 1978/9 there were an estimated 42,560 debtors owing £8.9 million to the NIHE. Although some of this may be attributed to civil disobedience, by far the main explanation is the very real problem of meeting rising prices on low incomes. This fact is patently obvious, except to loyalist politicians who insist on seeing the much higher debt in Catholic areas merely as one more sign of Catholics’ disloyalty to the state. Loyalist politicians have also been the most active in preventing the badly needed extension of West Belfast, the Poleglass estate. New Catholic housing can only move out beyond present West Belfast into the territory of loyalistcontrolled Lisburn Council, which has opposed such a move by organising marches, refusing to provide recreational facilities or collect bins, etc. The Northern Ireland Office has capitulated to this naked sectarianism by cutting back the scheme to one half the originally proposed size, as well as using the phased nature of the building programme as a means of coercion, making each phase dependent on the ‘good behaviour’ of those already resident there. All in all. Catholic West Belfast provides the perfect example of how class and sectarianism inter-relate in housing. The overcrowding, poor conditions, high rents, debt levels and army and police saturation all combine to dispel any notion that anyone might have left of the welfare state in general or the Northern Ireland state in parti­ cular as benign. Such cynicism easily explains the willingness of some tenants (such as those in the Demolish Divis Committee) to resort to mili­ tant protest over housing conditions. While Catholic tenants in Divis wrecked vacated flats to back up their demand for total demolition, Protestant tenants had the relative choice of refusing to live in flats. For the Protestants some houses were available; for the Catholics there was no choice but collective militance. Yet para­ doxically, the first flats to be demolished have been in Protestant areas, even in the absence of a sustained campaign there for demolition. The Catholics have campaigned, yet in just one more way have found themselves trapped by the N IH E’s refusal to concede more than a very partial demolition on the grounds that there is nowhere else in West Belfast to house the Catholic tenants. Bill R olston Most of the statistical information in the above is taken from Mike Tomlinson, ‘Housing, the State and the Politics of Segregation’, in Liam O’Dowd, Bill Rolston and Mike Tomlinson, Northern Ireland: Between Civil Rights and Civil War, London, CSE Books, 1980. See also: Community Information Service, Poverty - the Impact on Northern Ireland: an Information Folder, Belfast, Northern Ireland Council of Social Service, 1981 Action on Debt, ‘Sticking the Knife in’: Debt and Debt Collection in Northern Ireland, Belfast 1980 Bill Rolston, ‘Divis Flats’, Ireland Socialist Review, 8, Winter 1980/1 » CAMERAWORK Women and Nationalism Irish women have been active in various ways throughout Ireland’s long history of anti­ colonial struggle, and it has been only in comparatively recent years that they formed their own separate organisations. This develop­ ment, however, brought about by the changing position of women both in the family and in the wider economy, has generated a series of con­ tradictions and conflicts which have recurred as major political dilemmas for the Irish women’s movement. A central and unresolved question has been the relationship between feminist struggles and the nationalist movement, and which struggle takes precedence. Currently for example, two distinct lines are posed by femi­ nists whose positions are broadly represented as ‘those who believe that the interests of women must be given priority, in whatever sphere they occur, because if the issue of women’s oppres­ sion is not consistently raised, it will be ignored’, and ‘those who believe the struggle for the successful resolution of the national question is the primary task’, as it lays the preconditions for the liberation of all the oppressed (Scarlet Women 11). Connected to this debate has been another question concerning the ideologies of national­ ism and unionism, especially regarding women, and which of these political movements can be categorised as the more progressive. This issue, first introduced by the suffragettes, has been raised again in the current debate on the re­ unification of Ireland. Early women’s organisations in Ireland Irish women’s political involvement in the form of separate women’s organisations first occurred in the late 19th century. This early movement had no unifying ideology, but fell instead into two distinct groupings with the formation of the Ladies Land League and the first suffragette groups. The differences were between those who campaigned on issues of women’s suffrage and those who were active on questions concerning national independence. At the beginning of the 20th century there were few nationalist organisations open to women, and in 1900 Maude Gonne founded the Daughters of Erin, which was the first expressly nationalist women’s group established in Ireland. As with many of the nationalist organisations of the time, they were charac­ terised by a strong anti-English sentiment, and this was reflected in their objectives which were ‘to re-establish the complete independence of Ireland; to encourage the study of Gaelic, of Irish literature, history, music and a r t . . . to support and publicise Irish manufactures.’ The women’s first activity was an anti-enlistment campaign against the Boer War, and their propaganda concentrated on urging Irishwomen not to consort with British soldiers and exposing the horrors of venereal disease within the army. Later they campaigned for free school meals for the working class children of Dublin. The first suffrage societies in the 1870s in Ireland were characterised by a conservative and constitutional approach to political activity concentrated around winning the vote for women in Westminster. This single issue demand enabled them to encompass a broad spectrum of political ideologies and included the Conservative and Unionist Franchise League in Belfast. A more militant approach was adopted with the formation of the Irish Women’s Franchise League in 1908 which concentrated on pressurising the Irish Parliamentary party to include women in the Home Rule Bill. With the outbreak of the first World War, Irish suffragettes were seriously split over participation in the war effort, and these differences were accentuated by the conflict between republicans and unionists. From this time on it was no longer possible for them to campaign solely on the basis of votes for women, and they declined as a political force. The founding of Cumann na mBan in 1914 deepened these contradictions still further. It was set up as an auxiliary wing of the Irish Volunteers, an armed republican militia. Their participation in the following years was an auxiliary one, serving the male volunteers, but its character was militantly republican. After the 1916 Rising the Cumann expanded rapidly. This large mobili­ sation of women in support of the men, although not raising questions which related specifically to women, as with all popular movements which involved women, nonetheless raised the whole question of women’s active participation in politics. They played an active role in Dail Eireann, the independent legislative assembly set up in 1918 after Sinn Fein’s electoral victory, and Constance Markievitc was made Minister of Labour. Their commitment to the principles of radical republicanism was further demon­ strated in 1922 when they became the first organisation to reject the Treaty. The eventual defeat of the anti-treaty forces had a major effect on the Republican movement and in particular on women’s political involve­ ment. For while it is true to say that the question of women’s liberation was not central by any means to republican politics, their defeat and the partitioning of Ireland was a serious setback for women. After 1922 Cumann na mBan, reduced in numbers, remained an intransigent supporter of a united Ireland and against the Free Staters. Increasingly, as with other sections of the Republican movement, its outlook became more concerned with social and economic issues, and by the late 1920s there was a recognition that they wanted not only a united Ireland but also the overthrow of capitalism. From civil war to civil rights Due to lack of information, the picture of women’s role in political activity is sketchy from around 1916 to the 1960s. In the north women were probably politically active in phases, but their lives were determined by their existence in their respective communities, Republican or Loyalist. This was maintained both by sectarian ideologies and practices, and by the dominance of the Catholic and Presbyterian Churches, which placed women firmly in the background. In the South the 1937 Constitution formalised the relationship between Church and State. This relationship, which in the past was crucial for imperialist domination, now served to consoli­ date the rule of the Irish National bourgeoisie. The Church was accorded a ‘special place’ by the Constitution, and it is therefore not surprising that Article 41.2 concerning the position of women in the new Irish State reads: ‘In parti­ cular, the State recognises that by her life within the home, woman gives to the State a support without which the common good cannot be achieved . . . The State shall, therefore, endeavour to ensure that mothers shall not be obliged by economic necessity to engage in labour to the neglect of their duties in the home’. Throughout this period Cumann na mBan, although a much weakened organisation, remained the main focus for women’s political involvement. Feminists by and large were in­ active and unorganised apart from a series of women’s organisations, defensive in nature and organised around limited reformist demands within the Free State. By 1938 however, the Republican movement had declined and lost almost the entire membership of the IRA. Cumann na mBan, dependent on the momentum of the IRA, was unable to resist the attacks the State was making on Republicans and women, and unable to mobilise against the De Valera constitution. By the 1940s, it too had largely disappeared. From 1969 - the North Women’s groups reemerged in Ireland north and south during the early 1970s but essentially the more radical sections have remained quite iso­ lated. With the changes in economic and political power that occurred during the 1960s in the north - decline in Ulster industries necessi­ tating the attraction of foreign capital, conse­ quent splits in the Unionist Alliance, and the emergence of a Catholic middle class - it was inevitable that the contradictions in the North would erupt, and the catalyst was the Civil Rights Movement. It was in the context of this movement that feminist organisations started to re-appear, and the war has critically structured the various forms feminist ideology has taken, and the strategy and tactics advocated for the winning of feminist demands. The annexation of the North by Britain has effected an ideological and political division, whereby all contradic­ tions and conflicts are reflected through the dominant contradiction - that between Repub­ licanism and Loyalism. In practice it has also meant that Loyalist women are constrained both by their particular religious ideology, and by their loyalty to the Union and to their communities. And whereas Catholic women have inevitably become involved in the nationalist struggle at all levels, in the Loyalist communities women, although active in organi­ sations such as the UDA in the early 1970s, have never been involved on the same scale. Thus struggles around feminist issues have tended to come from those involved in the anti-imperialist struggle, although with the clear recognition that feminist issues must be a secondary considera­ tion to winning the war. The Relatives Action Committees were aware of the crucial role Announcing news of the death of Tom McElwee, Falls Road, Belfast, 8 August 1981. Photo: Roger Anderson. women have played in this war; from the ‘dustbin lid’ warning systems of the early days, the organisation of the women in Turf Lodge against the British Army after the murder of a young boy, to the work on political status for POW’s and the recent hunger-strike. Organisations which focus primarily on ‘women’s issues’ had existed since the early seventies but only developed since 1975 with the founding of the Socialist Women’s Group, the Northern Ireland Women’s Rights Group and Women’s Aid. The Womens Aid Federation saw itself as separate from the politics of the North, but this position led them to make political inter­ ventions in terms of getting British legislation favourable to women (Domestic Violence Act, 1969 Divorce Act). Inevitably these demands met with opposition from those feminists who see that the real progress for women in the north will only come from ending British rule. These struggles have a historical parallel in the conflict between the suffragettes and nationalist women prior to 1916. The Socialist Women’s Group saw itself as specifically socialist, and as such were aware of a clear connection between the ‘sexual, economic and political oppression of Irish women and the overall exploitation and oppres­ sion of the Irish working class under British capitalism and native Irish capitalism’. It dis­ solved in 1977 to make way for two other groups, the Belfast Women’s Collective (BWC) and Women against Imperialism (WAI). Both of these groups explain women’s oppression in terms of British Imperialist domination, but the latter group would assert that the anti­ imperialist struggle is central to gaining womens liberation (thus their close links with the RAC’s), whereas BWC concentrated far more on localised women’s struggles especially child­ care, women and brutality. From 1969 - the South The events of 1969 in the North brought, in the South, after an initial wave of sympathy, repressive legislation. This included the Forcible Entries Bill, followed by the Criminal Law Jurisdiction Act; eventually an emergency was declared in 1976, and the Emergency Powers Act, giving the right to detain suspected ‘subversives’ without trial for 7 days, was intro­ duced. Special Criminal Courts were established to back up this legislation. Massive censorship was in operation to suppress the Republican case. Alongside this there was a marked increase in industrial action for equal pay and working women’s rights. This was the context in which the first women’s groups re-emerged. The early groups were involved in getting greater partici­ pation for women in parliamentary politics, and in pressurising for the prompt introduction of the new EEC regulations concerning women’s rights. The largest single group, Irish Women United, was founded in 1975. It contained a broad spectrum of feminist thinking. The course of women’s liberation movements in the western capitalist world was a seminal influence, and this was reflected in the nature of its demands: free contraception, abortion on demand and equal pay. Its magazine Banshee covered topics such as equal pay, unmarried mothers and the role of the Church. However, it rarely dealt with what was happening to women in the North of Ireland and, apart from a small caucus within it, was avowedly anti-Republican and not concerned with the question of British imperialism. The Group disbanded in 1977, and many of the women who were active in it moved on to other campaigns such as the Contraception Action Programme and the Rape Crisis Centre. A few individuals have since regrouped with others around the campaign for political status for POWs and the recent hunger-strike by Republican POWs. A series of All Ireland women’s conferences have resulted in increased contact between women north and south, and although this development is on a small scale in practice, it has led to a gr
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      • essay_titleFour Corners' Young People Cinema Workshop
      • essay_authorFrances Whorrall-Cambell
      • essay_extract<p style="text-align: justify;">The Young People Cinema Workshop ran at Four Corners from 1980. As a project providing training and filmmaking opportunities to young people from Tower Hamlets, it perhaps has the closest resonance to the community work Four Corners does today. The early Workshops were radically experimental: pushing the boundaries of arts and technical education, and testing the ethos of collaborative filmmaking upon which Four Corners had been founded.</p>
      • essay_content<p style="text-align: justify;">Wilf Thust was the Workshops originator. He had a background in art and education as a teacher in Germany, and brought methods developed in the German avant-garde. During his teacher training, Thust had studied the pedagogy of the Bauhaus and Joseph Beuys, whose proclamation ‘teaching is art’ inspired Thust’s own professional practices. As a teacher in Bremen, Thust handed out Super 8 cameras to be shared around his classes, and when his time as an educational researcher in Bielefeld University was disrupted by student protests, he made the documentary <em>The School Strike OS 77</em>.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">Thust saw the seriousness with which these working-class students approached politics and the self-organisation they were capable of, and he took these experiences back with him to London, and to Four Corners. Along with Ron Peck, Mary Pat Leece and Jo Davis, Thust had been one of the founding members of Four Corners during their time at the London Film School. By the time Thust returned to England with Jo, who had become his partner, Four Corners was undergoing a period of transformation.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">The premises on Roman Road was converted into a cinema accompanied by a regular programme of public screenings, allowing the group to combine production, consumption and discussion of films all in one space. Out of this dynamic context, the Young People Cinema Workshop was born. Thust’s intention was that young people could actively respond to films seen at Four Corners, and then make their own work from and out of their reactions. He conceived of it as a ‘media research group’ with young people learning and working outside of a formal institution.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">There were benefits to working outside of the system: it allowed the Workshop to engage the most ‘unapproachable’ young people. Despite the presence of many progressive groups in Tower Hamlets, real social problems persisted alongside the brutal reality of the National Front. Thust wanted to reverse the ‘them’ and ‘us’ mentality experienced by many of the students: testing out his own prejudices whilst attempting to enter into their experiences, narrowing the gap between student and teacher.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">The form of the Workshop grew out a programme organised by Jo Davis and Mary Pat Leece called ‘<a href="https://www.fourcornersarchive.org/archive/view/0001169">In Front of the Camera</a>’. Here, participants would view work by established filmmakers and feedback their comments, before projecting their own slides and film interpretations. The young participants became the motor of the Workshop, driving projects forward and determining the group’s course. <a href="https://www.fourcornersarchive.org/archive/view/0003830">Lisa Warren</a> in particular was remembered by Thust as a lynchpin. Warren had joined the Workshop from Davis and Leece’s group in Oxford House: she produced a script for the Workshop and brought a gang of friends to meetings.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">This script became the film <a href="https://vimeo.com/334864112"><em>Don’t Think So</em>,</a> a rough and ready tale about East End youth and their fraught interactions with family, teachers, and each other. Unlike the more polished films the participants were responding to, such as Derek Jarman’s <em>Jubilee</em> and Ken Loach’s <em>Up The Junction</em>, <em>Don’t Think So</em> registers the process of its own making and is a vital document of the learning and thinking that went on in the Workshop. The group used scrapbooking and wall charts to map out ideas. Part account of progress, part guest book, and part space for critical comments, these sheets spilled out into the film itself in hand-drawn intertitles and sets. The final film is fun and more than a little anarchic: charmingly clumsy at points as you see the participants learning on the job.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">Funding from the Channel 4 Workshop Agreement allowed Thust to undertake more ambitious projects. Between 1982 and 1985 <em>Is That It? </em>was under production at the Workshop. Thust devised it as a film made solely by the young people of Tower Hamlets, with Four Corners providing only the technical means and training, with no conceptual guidance. The project soon evolved to become a diary of work, recording Thust’s interactions with the young participants alongside media statistics about the lives of youth in the borough. Although the final film was not well received, it was groundbreaking in its foregrounding of young voices, and as a record of the Workshop resonated throughout the years.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">At a screening of <em>Is That It?</em> held at Lux in 2002, one of the Workshop’s members was in the audience. Anthony David attended the group when he was 15, and the radical pedagogy he experienced at Four Corners influenced him in the creation of the archive of social movements May Day Rooms, and in his work in the Experimental Teaching Unit he established at Central Saint Martins. The impact of the Young People Cinema Workshop can be found in unexpected places, but its legacy is also channelled still at Four Corners, in our ongoing commitment to providing education and training in film and photography.</p>
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      • essay_titleCritical engagements with documentary photography
      • essay_authorFrances Whorrall-Cambell
      • essay_extract<p>The subheading to <em>Camerawork </em>8, a special issue on the ‘Battle of Lewisham’, proclaims: ‘What are you taking pictures for?’. <em>Why photograph?</em> was a central concern of Half Moon Photography Workshop. In many ways the ‘why’ was easy to answer (although, as this issue showed, the reasons were many): what was more difficult was the issue of who - who could be a photographer, and what being a photographer meant. </p>
      • essay_content<p>In order to answer these questions, HMPW framed a radical reinvention of the medium and its practitioners, advancing a new concept of ‘community photography’. This was first outlined by Jo Spence in <em>Camerawork</em> 1 and elaborated on in Issue 13, which was dedicated to ‘Photography in the Community’. What Spence discusses in this first issue is a three-pronged attack on the mechanisms of mainstream image production and circulation in Britain. </p> <p><meta charset="utf-8" /></p> <p style="text-align: justify;">The first weapon in this war was alternative or community presses, which offered photographers control over the fruits of their labour. Such publications could show solidarity and promote community action, providing an antidote to the individualism and sensationalism of traditional journalism. </p> <p style="text-align: justify;">The power was in having control over the means of image production: Spence recommends the use of photography as a tool by social activists. Through workshops and equipment loans, groups could encourage community feeling and help marginalised people represent themselves - gaining the skills to be critical of images and demand different depictions. Those who attended these workshops then became community documentarians, going out into the places in which they lived and worked to photograph the other residents and build a picture of a life from the inside contrary to popular stereotypes and ignorance. </p> <p style="text-align: justify;">Community photography, then, was about providing alternatives: alternative images, alternative photographers, and alternative channels of publication and distribution. Half Moon Photography Workshop attempted to provide for all three: in their gallery and magazine, their workshops, and promotion of photographers such as<a href="https://www.fourcornersarchive.org/archive/index?keyword=derek+smith&format%5B%5D=4&format%5B%5D=8&format%5B%5D=16&format%5B%5D=15&format%5B%5D=13&format%5B%5D=14&format%5B%5D=1&format%5B%5D=3&format%5B%5D=5"> Derek Smith</a> and <a href="https://www.fourcornersarchive.org/archive/index?keyword=george+plemper&format%5B%5D=4&format%5B%5D=8&format%5B%5D=16&format%5B%5D=15&format%5B%5D=13&format%5B%5D=14&format%5B%5D=1&format%5B%5D=3&format%5B%5D=5">George Plemper</a>.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">These ideas were radical in the Britain of the 1970s, where social documentary photography had fallen victim to its own success and become co-opted into mainstream imagery. However, in their suspicions and desire to create new photographers, HMPW were drawing on doubts already seeded within certain corners of the English documentary tradition.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">Bill Brandt was a pioneer of British social documentary photography. His 1936 book ‘The English at Home’, a pictorial survey of British domesticity between rural and urban settings and across classes, appears a classic of the genre. However, this work was actually highly innovative, as Brandt responded to increasingly ambivalent feelings towards his claim to objectivity. Brandt mobilised a technique of juxtaposition drawn from the surrealists, in which commentary was produced in the collision of the photographs on facing pages. In this, Brandt directly intervened in the images, exposing the mechanics by which photographic meaning was produced, and foregrounding not only his creative role but his subjectivity. </p> <p style="text-align: justify;">Brandt’s suspicion of the photographer’s supposed ‘objectivity’ was also felt by the members of HMPW. They transformed this doubt into a new manifesto. It was not enough to recognise and acknowledge one’s limitations as a photographer: those biases still existed. Instead one needed to encourage more people to document themselves in order to counter the stereotypes of others.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">In this community-based photography, HMPW found precedent in Mass Observation. Founded in 1937, and another surrealist-inspired endeavour, Mass Observation aimed to record everyday life in Britain through a network of volunteer observers who kept diaries, answered questionnaires, and took photographs of daily occurrences. Over 1,500 people were recruited from all social classes; ordinary people were given the necessary tools and encouraged to record their own lives and the lives of their communities.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">In its desire for an ‘insider’s perspective’, Mass Observation chimed with HMPW’s ambitions, and the collective themselves were interested in this earlier project, dedicating an issue of <em>Camerawork </em>to the observers. Many of the photographers HMPW chose to exhibit also sat within this ethos: from Derek Smith’s photographs of his Teeside home, to George Plemper’s sensitive portraits of his pupils at Riverside. But HMPW differed from Mass Observation on two vital points. </p> <p style="text-align: justify;">While Mass Observation had aimed at an objective record comprised of a great number of data points, many of HMPW’s photographers shared the tacit assumption of their subjectivity, even if the rhetoric of objective investigation was still present. Daniel Meadows’ <a href="https://www.fourcornersarchive.org/archive/index?keyword=Shuttles%2C+Steam+and+Soot+-+Daniel+Meadows%C2%A0&format%5B%5D=4&format%5B%5D=8&format%5B%5D=16&format%5B%5D=15&format%5B%5D=13&format%5B%5D=14&format%5B%5D=1&format%5B%5D=3&format%5B%5D=5">Shuttles, Steam and Soot</a>, was billed as a ‘serious investigation’ of the Lancashire cotton industry, but what actually enlivened the images for Meadows was the strangeness of the encounters - the interpersonal aspect. </p> <p style="text-align: justify;">Mass Observation had been instigated to create an archive of everyday life, but HMPW had far greater aspirations. As stated in their special issue: ‘to document alone is not enough - the process must be taken further and used to effect social change’. Change was always the purpose of HMPW’s projects, and social change relied upon a fundamental transformation of tradition. Suspicion of the photographer was transformed into a vision of community documentary, and community documentary was transformed into political action. Why take pictures was obvious, but HMPW’s chance of achieving that goal relied on a complex understanding of who (photographer and subject) gained by looking to the past as much as to the future.</p>
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      • namePolitics of Photography
      • essay_titleTowards a New Politics of Photography
      • essay_authorFrances Whorrall-Cambell
      • essay_extract<p style="text-align: justify;">In the first issue of <em>Camerawork </em>Jo Spence sought to explore what she called ‘the politics of photography’. For Spence, images had an ideological content, expressed through a ‘series of visual signals and short cuts’ which needed to be unpicked by reading the context from which the photographs sprung and the intentions of their creator.</p>
      • essay_content<p>The question of how photographs might be political, and how one might decode (or even produce) these messages, dogged <em>Camerawork </em>throughout its existence. This thorny issue was never fully resolved, and the contradictory responses raised within the magazine’s pages track the shifting attitudes buffeting British photography during the 1970s and 80s. </p> <p><meta charset="utf-8" /></p> <p style="text-align: justify;">In her article, Spence proposes that photography’s visual shorthands create a kind of limited understanding: producing ‘stereotypes’ of the world around us. The camera might not lie, but it flattens; draining shades of nuance from the situation to render an issue black and white. In this proposition, Spence brings together an interest in signs developed by the recently-fashionable study of semiotics, and an understanding of photography’s ability to divide the world into ‘types’ present since the Victorian era.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">Spence’s concern is the photograph as re-presentation: a regurgitation of isolated appearances with no attempt at critique. She posits that the mimetic quality of photography works in the interest of the capitalist media, who commodify these fragments of truth in order to nullify their potential to disrupt false consciousness. Spence was reacting to a world in which photojournalism was still prominent, with the photo-essay delivering the news in illustrated magazines and papers. The proximity of these often-harrowing images to advertisements, with their shiny parade of commodified objects and (particularly female) bodies, was concerning. News photographs took on this sheen, whilst the messages in the adverts, seen alongside ‘objective’ documentary, became naturalised.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;"><em>Camerawork </em>sought to disrupt this process and reveal that both sets of images were political: i.e. the product of a particular agenda. Today, it might seem that we no longer need to be told not to be so naive. We are more suspicious of things that purport to be true than ever before. The idea of truth itself seems up for grabs. We know western media is not to be trusted; it has become commonplace to point to fake news, but the increasing presentation of content through algorithms ensures that even images that have not been fakes, edited or otherwise doctored are still suspect for their very existence in a structure so obviously plugged into corporate capitalism.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">What, then, can <em>Camerawork’s </em>warnings add to our dealings with the media? Perhaps the answer can be found in Victor Burgin’s essay for the third issue<a href="https://www.fourcornersarchive.org/archive/view/0000003">, ‘Art, Common Sense & Photography’</a>. Burgin states that manipulation of the world, far from being an aberration, is the basis of all photographic practice. Photography is an alchemical process of transformation, rather than a mirror, and recognising this is a vital step in being able to unmask the politics of images. Although Burgin’s chemical metaphor no longer holds, photography is still a distortion of the world, albeit digital, reducing it to pixels and binary code. An awareness of this could enliven us to the ways in which technology reconstitutes media and presents a certain picture of events through its highly subjective networks.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">Burgin’s most striking point, however, is his identification of the central paradox of the camera. The issue that has long troubled artists, so much so that Brecht felt it necessary to call the instrument ‘politically-deficient’, is that in order to enact political change the camera must be able to penetrate appearances, but it is only able to record them, parroting back the dominant order and reproducing inequality. This is what Spence warns against in Issue One.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">However, Burgin suggests that this is actually what makes photography so powerful: it enables us to turn the weapons of the master against him. Creating contrast and comparison is for Burgin the way to animate the inherent contradiction between image and reality. This advice might stand for photographers today: expose the irrationality in the world through a medium we know to be much more irrational than we previously allowed for.</p>
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      • nameCamerawork Magazine
      • essay_titleA brief history of the publication
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      • essay_extract<blockquote> <p>Camerawork as a magazine had a quality about it - when I first saw a copy in 1976 I'd never seen a publication like it and I still haven't. It stopped me in my tracks. The A2>A4 folding format, the print quality - amazing for single pass litho - the picture spreads and the articles, they all set it apart from any other photo-magazines of that period – Ed Barber</p> </blockquote> <blockquote> <p>Camerawork is designed to provide a forum for the exchange of ideas, views and information on photography and other forms of communication. By exploring the application, scope and content of photography, we intend to demystify the process. We see this as part of the struggle to learn, to describe and to share experiences and so contribute to the process by which we grow in capacity and power to control our own lives. – Camerawork magazine masthead, issues 1-19</p> </blockquote>
      • essay_content<p>A key part of Half Moon Photography Workshop’s programme was the publication of a magazine.<i> Camerawork</i> was first published in February 1976, using a broadsheet format – sheets of A2 paper folded to A3, then to A4. Stencil bold, the only large typeface that they had, was used for the title. Expression Printers’ stark black and white printing was highly effective. Tony Bock, Terry Dennett, Roger Eaton, Mike Goldwater, Janet Goldberg, Marilyn Noad, Tom Picton, Jo Spence, George Solomonides and Paul Trevor produced the first issue of <i>Camerawork</i>, put together at a marathon all-night session in Goldwater’s studio in Chalk Farm, fuelled by coffee and beigels. After the first issue they drew Ed Barber, who was recruited to work on the accounts but quickly joined the magazine collective, along with Shirley Read, Liz Heron, Richard Platt and Jenny Matthews and many others. </p> <p>The early magazine had a pluralist, open and improvisational approach, encompassing articles on renowned photographers including Bill Brandt, Paul Strand and Brassai alongside alternative histories of photography, grassroots practice and DIY pages on photographic processes. Regular critiques by leading writers such as John Berger, Victor Burgin and John Tagg explored the ideological constructions shaping photographic practice. <i>Camerawork</i> rapidly established itself as a forum for critical debates on the politics of documentary representation, the role of the photographer and the use of the medium in oppositional politics. As the use of larger images increased, a centre spread was added that could be pulled out as a poster. The first was Robert Golden’s photograph of miners waiting for their shift at Kellingley Colliery, Yorkshire. The second, Richard Greenhill’s dramatic image of his wife Sally minutes after giving birth to their daughter. </p> <p><i>Camerawork</i> included visually compelling, thematic issues such as <i>Lewisham</i>, the <i>Picture Story</i>, <i>Portraits</i>, <i>Photography in the Community</i> and <i>Reporting on Northern Ireland</i>. The magazine became a key platform for photography addressing left-wing oppositional politics. Reports of anti-racist demonstrations highlighted community action whilst shedding light on police brutality.  Issue 14 on Northern Ireland proved highly contentious at a time of significant press censorship. Coverage of anti-nuclear protests helped to galvanise support for the revival of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament.</p> <p>The magazine’s emphasis changed in the later issues, focusing more on broader politics of representation rather than solely photographic practice. Content expanded to include film, video, tape/slide and television with an increased emphasis on analysing mainstream media.</p> <p>Alongside this <i>Camerawork</i>’s focus became explicitly political from issue 20 (1980) in response to the election of Margaret Thatcher. The magazine’s a new masthead stated that it was ‘a journal of the politics of photography’. The editorial read: ‘We must pursue this politics of the image into all the struggles that affect our lives: struggles over class, patriarchy, power knowledge, communication and education’. This went too far for the Arts Council, who reminded Camerawork that its subsidy was ‘on the basis of its attention to photography and not as a platform for political comment’. By issue 25 the masthead had changed to the neutral statement that: ‘Camerawork aims to promote debate and discussion on politics, photography and representation’. </p> <p>Thatcherism marked a crisis for left cultural approaches. Black and white photography no longer felt like a connection to a radical past. ‘The Fight to Work’, a four-page spread in <i>Camerawork</i> 18, showed vivid images of the steel workers strike, and called for photography that was neither mass media representation of intimidating pickets, nor abstracted images of heroic workers. It was one of the last articles of its kind. In ‘Loves Labour Lost’, <i>Camerawork</i> 29, Kathy Myers argued that Labour’s posters helped lose them the 1983 election with their use of outdated images of working-class men in flat caps. Visual artists should ‘combine the visual sophistication of advertising with the social insight needed to provide new visions and fantasies for the future’. In her interview with Stuart Hall he also called for a new kind of imagery: ‘The left has to look around and see the language that consumer capitalism speaks to people in’. These arguments reflected the left’s seeming inability to combat a Thatcherite world in which there was ‘no such thing as society’.</p> <p>Increasingly the concerns of many artists and photographers moved away from social struggle towards a focus on post-modern theories of representation and popular culture. The last four issues of <i>Camerawork</i> are noticeably different. The design of issue 29 is reminiscent of <i>City Limits</i>, with articles on video exhibition, graphic design of album covers and cable music television by Malcolm McLaren. Later issues of<i> Camerawork</i> changed direction several times. From issue 29 the format was altered to an A4 magazine style, with, for the first time, an editor: first Kathy Myers, then Liz Wells. But production faltered with lack of funding, and a loss of organisational direction. The magazine folded after issue 32 in 1985. </p> <p>During its ten years, <i>Camerawork</i> made a profound impact on debates about the politics of photography and representation, and brought an extraordinary range and breadth of documentary and photojournalistic work to audiences worldwide. The role and influence of the magazine has often been historically overlooked within the canon of established British photographic history. The aim of this digital resource is to open up the understanding and appreciation of this renowned publication for a new generation.</p>
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      • used2
      • tag_object_count2
      • created2018-07-04 14:41:31
      • modified2025-06-19 15:53:08
      • created_by6
      • modified_by6
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323322
        • tag_id49165
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting4
    • 5(array)
      • id54888
      • nameloyalism
      • slugloyalism
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323323
        • tag_id54888
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting5
    • 6(array)
      • id773
      • namehousing
      • slughousing
      • used98
      • tag_object_count98
      • created(null)
      • modified2025-06-20 09:40:04
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323324
        • tag_id773
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting6
    • 7(array)
      • id53495
      • namewar & conflict
      • slugwar-conflict
      • used44
      • tag_object_count44
      • created2025-06-19 15:28:27
      • modified2025-06-19 15:52:39
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323325
        • tag_id53495
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting7
    • 8(array)
      • id40603
      • namewar
      • slugwar
      • used7
      • tag_object_count7
      • created2018-06-06 11:59:40
      • modified2025-06-19 15:51:53
      • created_by2
      • modified_by2
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323326
        • tag_id40603
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting8
    • 9(array)
      • id40850
      • nameconflict
      • slugconflict
      • used5
      • tag_object_count5
      • created2018-06-08 11:44:27
      • modified2025-06-19 15:53:27
      • created_by2
      • modified_by2
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323327
        • tag_id40850
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting9
    • 10(array)
      • id54889
      • nameevidence
      • slugevidence
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323328
        • tag_id54889
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting10
    • 11(array)
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      • namepropaganda
      • slugpropaganda
      • used6
      • tag_object_count6
      • created(null)
      • modified2025-06-19 15:52:38
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323329
        • tag_id926
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting11
    • 12(array)
      • id54890
      • namecommunication
      • slugcommunication
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323330
        • tag_id54890
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting12
    • 13(array)
      • id7359
      • nameirish
      • slugirish
      • used39
      • tag_object_count39
      • created2018-05-07 11:14:32
      • modified2025-06-19 15:51:04
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323331
        • tag_id7359
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting13
    • 14(array)
      • id40797
      • nameeconomy
      • slugeconomy
      • used2
      • tag_object_count2
      • created2018-06-08 11:43:56
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by2
      • modified_by2
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323332
        • tag_id40797
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting14
    • 15(array)
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      • namesolidarity movement
      • slugsolidarity-movement
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323333
        • tag_id54891
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting15
    • 16(array)
      • id4007
      • namehistory
      • slughistory
      • used83
      • tag_object_count83
      • created2018-05-07 07:57:23
      • modified2025-06-19 15:51:50
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323334
        • tag_id4007
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting16
    • 17(array)
      • id54892
      • namepartition
      • slugpartition
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323335
        • tag_id54892
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting17
    • 18(array)
      • id40852
      • namecivil rights
      • slugcivil-rights
      • used2
      • tag_object_count2
      • created2018-06-08 11:44:28
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by2
      • modified_by2
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323336
        • tag_id40852
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting18
    • 19(array)
      • id54893
      • name1968
      • slug1968
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323337
        • tag_id54893
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting19
    • 20(array)
      • id54894
      • nameimperialist
      • slugimperialist
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323338
        • tag_id54894
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting20
    • 21(array)
      • id54895
      • nameanti-imperialist
      • sluganti-imperialist
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323339
        • tag_id54895
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting21
    • 22(array)
      • id54896
      • namereform
      • slugreform
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323340
        • tag_id54896
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting22
    • 23(array)
      • id7364
      • namerepression
      • slugrepression
      • used41
      • tag_object_count41
      • created2018-05-07 11:14:32
      • modified2025-06-19 15:51:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323341
        • tag_id7364
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting23
    • 24(array)
      • id54897
      • namedirect rule 1972
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      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323342
        • tag_id54897
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting24
    • 25(array)
      • id54898
      • namepolitical status
      • slugpolitical-status
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323343
        • tag_id54898
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting25
    • 26(array)
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      • nameirish parliament
      • slugirish-parliament
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323344
        • tag_id54899
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting26
    • 27(array)
      • id54900
      • namebritish government
      • slugbritish-government
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323345
        • tag_id54900
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting27
    • 28(array)
      • id54901
      • namehunger strikes
      • slughunger-strikes
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323346
        • tag_id54901
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting28
    • 29(array)
      • id7692
      • namecampaign
      • slugcampaign
      • used8
      • tag_object_count8
      • created2018-05-07 11:52:19
      • modified2025-06-19 15:52:58
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323347
        • tag_id7692
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting29
    • 30(array)
      • id54902
      • namemanufacture
      • slugmanufacture
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:48
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323348
        • tag_id54902
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting30
    • 31(array)
      • id9038
      • namelabour
      • sluglabour
      • used22
      • tag_object_count22
      • created2018-05-17 14:55:42
      • modified2025-06-19 15:53:34
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323349
        • tag_id9038
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting31
    • 32(array)
      • id1702
      • nameindustry
      • slugindustry
      • used5
      • tag_object_count5
      • created(null)
      • modified2025-06-19 15:38:37
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323350
        • tag_id1702
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting32
    • 33(array)
      • id54903
      • nameinvestment
      • sluginvestment
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323351
        • tag_id54903
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting33
    • 34(array)
      • id54904
      • namecapital
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      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323352
        • tag_id54904
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting34
    • 35(array)
      • id36895
      • nameproperty
      • slugproperty
      • used2
      • tag_object_count2
      • created2018-06-04 14:58:20
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323353
        • tag_id36895
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting35
    • 36(array)
      • id40837
      • nametrade union
      • slugtrade-union
      • used3
      • tag_object_count3
      • created2018-06-08 11:44:06
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by2
      • modified_by2
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323354
        • tag_id40837
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting36
    • 37(array)
      • id1514
      • nameindustrial decline
      • slugindustrial-decline
      • used30
      • tag_object_count30
      • created(null)
      • modified2025-06-19 15:50:42
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323355
        • tag_id1514
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting37
    • 38(array)
      • id864
      • nameunemployment
      • slugunemployment
      • used149
      • tag_object_count149
      • created(null)
      • modified2025-06-19 15:53:46
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323356
        • tag_id864
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting38
    • 39(array)
      • id54905
      • namecrisis
      • slugcrisis
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323357
        • tag_id54905
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting39
    • 40(array)
      • id54906
      • namehousing control
      • slughousing-control
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323358
        • tag_id54906
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting40
    • 41(array)
      • id54907
      • namenorthern irish housing executive
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      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323359
        • tag_id54907
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting41
    • 42(array)
      • id54908
      • namepublic sector
      • slugpublic-sector
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323360
        • tag_id54908
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting42
    • 43(array)
      • id54909
      • namehousing authorities
      • slughousing-authorities
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323361
        • tag_id54909
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting43
    • 44(array)
      • id781
      • nameworking class
      • slugworking-class
      • used398
      • tag_object_count398
      • created(null)
      • modified2025-06-19 15:51:07
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323362
        • tag_id781
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting44
    • 45(array)
      • id40949
      • namedistribution
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      • used4
      • tag_object_count4
      • created2018-06-08 11:45:48
      • modified2025-06-19 15:53:23
      • created_by2
      • modified_by2
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323363
        • tag_id40949
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting45
    • 46(array)
      • id54910
      • namecatholic
      • slugcatholic
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323364
        • tag_id54910
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting46
    • 47(array)
      • id54911
      • nameprotestant
      • slugprotestant
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323365
        • tag_id54911
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting47
    • 48(array)
      • id54912
      • namesegregation
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      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323366
        • tag_id54912
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting48
    • 49(array)
      • id54913
      • namewomen’s organisations
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      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323367
        • tag_id54913
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting49
    • 50(array)
      • id8982
      • namesinn fein
      • slugsinn-fein
      • used2
      • tag_object_count2
      • created2018-05-17 14:55:41
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323368
        • tag_id8982
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting50
    • 51(array)
      • id40861
      • nameliberation
      • slugliberation
      • used3
      • tag_object_count3
      • created2018-06-08 11:44:28
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:50
      • created_by2
      • modified_by2
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323369
        • tag_id40861
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting51
    • 52(array)
      • id7368
      • namestruggle
      • slugstruggle
      • used103
      • tag_object_count103
      • created2018-05-07 11:14:36
      • modified2025-06-19 15:53:07
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323370
        • tag_id7368
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting52
    • 53(array)
      • id54914
      • namewomen and nationalism
      • slugwomen-and-nationalism
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323371
        • tag_id54914
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting53
    • 54(array)
      • id54915
      • namewomen and republicanism
      • slugwomen-and-republicanism
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323372
        • tag_id54915
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting54
    • 55(array)
      • id54916
      • namefeminist struggles
      • slugfeminist-struggles
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323373
        • tag_id54916
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting55
    • 56(array)
      • id54917
      • namenationalist movement
      • slugnationalist-movement
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323374
        • tag_id54917
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting56
    • 57(array)
      • id54918
      • namesocialist women’s group
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      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323375
        • tag_id54918
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting57
    • 58(array)
      • id54919
      • namewar & conflict women’s rights group
      • slugwar-conflict-women-s-rights-group
      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323376
        • tag_id54919
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting58
    • 59(array)
      • id54920
      • namemonopoly
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      • used1
      • tag_object_count1
      • created2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • modified2025-06-19 15:30:49
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
        • id1323377
        • tag_id54920
        • objectArchiveItem
        • object_id27
        • sorting59
    • 60(array)
      • id9120
      • nametelevision
      • slugtelevision
      • used7
      • tag_object_count7
      • created2018-05-17 14:55:44
      • modified2025-06-19 15:53:20
      • created_by(null)
      • modified_by(null)
      • TagObject(array)
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App Constants

CakePHP Constants

PHP Environment

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